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Speaking to a far-right conspiracy theorist who advocated seizing control of the polls, the president said merely, 'Stranger things have happened.' In actual elections, progressives had a mixed night.

The German bank is authorized to settle transactions in the Chinese currency in Europe, a major step in Beijing’s ambitions to dislodge the supremacy of the US dollar.

Ukraine’s repeated strikes on tankers in Novorossiysk had alarmed Washington, which feared they would further destabilize already strained oil markets, the Financial Times reported.

The attack on a ship travelling through the Bab el-Mandeb strait is the first deadly strike by the Iran-backed militant group on the key waterway in a year.

A professional slight kicks off Colson Whitehead’s third crime caper. Harlem merchant Ray Carney has just wrapped up an interview with a furniture magazine he adores when he’s called downtown to meet with an, ahem, associate. Carney, who moonlights as a fence, assumes the rendezvous will engender some new criminal opportunity, but it’s a trap. His colleague is a hostage, and the armed captors don’t initially recognize Carney as a fellow crook. “Don’t want to beat up the janitor,” one says after Carney is identified—a baldly racist remark. The quick-thinking salesman manages to wiggle out of the setup and save his partner, but the encounter nettles him. “He had rebuilt his store at considerable financial and psychological cost, received an industry honor, and in five minutes these white men had wrung all pleasure from his victory,” Whitehead writes. “He was fucking Regional Dealer of the goddamn Month,” Carney thinks to himself, setting the record straight.Vocational pride plays a large role in the conclusion to Whitehead’s Harlem Trilogy. After two decades of crooked escapades, many nearly fatal, Carney has a chip on his shoulder. He had “grazed upon the feasts of middle-class comforts, and had lately acquired a paunch.” His accomplishments in furniture sales don’t capture his overall arc though. Carney’s a successful regional dealer of both couches and contraband, and neither career could exist without the other. But he can’t put “Fencing Since ’59’” on his rebuilt 125th Street storefront, an omission that is slowly eating at him. Hence his rather funny response to being mistaken for a janitor while held at gunpoint. In Cool Machine, he seeks a unified theory of himself, executing schemes for the loot and the laurels as 1980s New York City rumbles around him.This existential current adds a new dimension to the historical trilogy’s themes. Under the guise of breezy pulp, Whitehead has written a sprawling systems epic attuned to the racialized churn of New York City commerce and real estate. Each novel has focused on a decade in the lives of Carney and New York City, beginning with Harlem Shuffle, which spans 1959 to 1964, and Crook Manifesto, which stretches from 1971 to 1976. The first book took the Civil Rights Movement as a backdrop for a grubbier form of striving, Carney and crew working odd angles as the city stunted Black mobility. The second used the political, financial, and drug crises of 1970s New York to dramatize the difficulty of getting by. Carney and Pepper, his wily bruiser, navigated shifting criminal and cultural landscapes, their hardened views in tension with the metamorphic city. In both novels, Whitehead presented “jobs”—that classic euphemism for criminal schemes—as sweaty, taxing affairs. His crooks endure grimy workspaces, long hours, annoying bosses, and ambient violence, their fortunes attainable only through labor and pluck.That focus continues in Cool Machine, set between 1981 and 1986. But Whitehead spotlights careers rather than jobs, tracing the long tails of his characters’ grifts, and the city’s. While maintaining the streetwise sensibility of the series’ earlier installments, he revisits key metaphors, analogies, and incidents, layering Cool Machine with both the material history of New York and the personal revelations of his characters. The book is haunted and pondering, the narrative constantly posing questions about community and working life from the perches of middle and old age.What value does a lifetime of striving, both crooked and straight, produce? Do the skills criminals master prepare them for retirement? Are they even fit to retire given their bloodied hands and strained relationships with regular folk? Their city is subterranean, dark, and lawless, and in it the seismic forces of capitalism, racism, and public corruption are unmitigated. How does such a place become a home?Carney isn’t the real target of the trap he walks into. The men who lured him, two gruff Bostonians named Buzz and Orson, seek Uncle Rich, a famous Harlem thief who double-crossed them and made out with a sapphire that Carney ended up fencing. Carney had no clue he’d met the legendary bandit, but the jewel connects him to the feud with Buzz, and he needs to work quickly to extricate himself. Buzz, liver-spotted and round of belly, strikes him as violently unforgiving. Carney likens him to a plumber “who comes back when you aren’t home to strangle your parakeet if you stiff him on the bill.” Carney ends up getting more involved in the beef, stumbling into a kind of criminal internship. Despite the heat from Buzz, Uncle Rich, who’s nearing the end of his career, brings the furniture dealer in on his final jobs. The Harlemite is one of Whitehead’s most memorable inventions. He’s subverted tropes throughout the trilogy, and Uncle Rich epitomizes that enduring sense of play. The final score is often a Hail Mary play in heist stories, concocted by the desperate and almost guaranteed to incur heavy losses.Uncle Rich, a kooky trickster in his sixties who once faked his death, plans to pull two final jobs. He’s got none of the fatalism of the standard noir criminal mastermind though, and is often jovial. He’s a worldly aesthete and a working man who appreciates a good hot dog, both manager and coworker, hands-on despite his age and expertise—the Godfather as cool unc. In Carney, he recognizes a kindred spirit: “You don’t ask about the stones, or the man who beat your friend. You want to know the lore. It’s nice to see,” he says when Carney fills him in on Buzz’s pursuit.He gives Carney the lore and a raison d’etre as they outmaneuver Buzz in preparation for the big scores, one of which involves nabbing a Jesse Owens Olympic medal. Under the tutelage of Uncle Rich and his crew, the furniture salesman slowly sees himself and the city anew. He admits that money isn’t his true motive, nor is stability for himself and his family, which he risks every time he churns a stolen good.Standing on a train platform, Carney ponders a racy ad for Triumph cigarettes, a poster for Escape From New York, and a mural riffing on The Spirit of ’76 that he’d wanted for his store before it was firebombed:Instead of a straight re-creation of the famous painting, his three musician-soldiers strode out of the ghetto. Worn down, beaten down, but playing on, past the ruined lots and burned-out tenements, fife and drums mixing with the screams and musket fire of battle. The arson job had put the kibosh on that idea, but Carney liked to turn it over in his head occasionally, wondering how many of the Harlemites who turned the corner of 125th Street recognized their own striving in that scene. Escape from New York? There was nowhere to go. Better make the best of it.Carney’s previously been keen to compartmentalize these tangled urges: “More crooked in one direction and more legit in the other—careful you don’t split yourself in half Carney,” Whitehead wrote in Harlem Shuffle. But this triptych of advertising, pop culture, and homespun patriotism offers a vision of reconciliation, Carney’s divided selves in harmony. As Buzz bears down on Uncle Rich’s crew, Carney, typically the guy who gets involved after the job goes down, gets his first taste of the frontlines and loves it. His diligence doesn’t go unnoticed either. Uncle Rich silently praises Carney as they execute their plan, acknowledging his craft and focus: “Yes, the fence was working out fine. A cool machine.”Like its predecessors, Cool Machine is divided into three novellas that each take place in a different year. The structure makes the books episodic, with one scheme and its particular players driving each section, but also can stunt the momentum as the story repeatedly resets. That’s still somewhat the case in Cool Machine, which follows Pepper in its middle novella, but the framework is more rewarding this time, as Whitehead actively threads together the stories. If crime is a canvas for Uncle Rich and Carney, a means for self-expression and actualization, for Pepper it is toil, and following him after the high of the first novella offers a sobering contrast.If crime is a canvas for Uncle Rich and Carney, a means for self-expression and actualization, for Pepper it is toil. A World War II veteran who ran with Carney’s late father Big Mike, Pepper is Whitehead’s wry and subtly moving take on the hardboiled hood. First introduced in Harlem Shuffle, he resides cozily in the underworld, and Whitehead often uses that immersion for comedy. Pepper, constitutionally intimidating and alert, always sticks out. He calls normal people “civilians,” and in one exchange, in which a character asks if he’s a mass murderer, he replies, “What’s mass?”In Cool Machine, Pepper, previously a source of bottomless might, is introduced as severely overworked. “He had gutted, garroted, grappled with his enemies, and been brutalized, bludgeoned, and manhandled in turn,” Whitehead writes. “Shot and stabbed, half strangled and wholly concussed. Beaten with bats, chains, and a hardware store’s worth of ad hoc weapons; thrown out of cars, thrown out of many types of moving vehicles, tossed into pits, ditches, and ruts; and one time even subjected to a modern update of an ancient Aztec torture ritual (this was in Delaware).” The irony is as grim as it is humorous: Work has been steady for Pepper, but so has pain. He’s got no paunch for all his efforts, just aches.His biggest ailment is an undiagnosed stomach issue, which stalks him as he gets embroiled in a shady art deal on the Lower East Side. He’s hired by a friend of Carney’s wife Elizabeth as a bodyguard, but when the guy is robbed, the role quickly expands into private eye, interrogator, and funnily, art appraiser.The New York of 1983 is foreign to the veteran goon, the streets strewn with graffiti and refuse, the youth decked out in freaky hairdos and clothes, the music unsettling. The demographic breakdown at his favorite bar skews “maybe seventy-thirty yuppie-crook” and it no longer serves his favorite beer. But Pepper finds his way through the alien city, teaming up with LJ, the mohawked and combat-booted assistant to an art collector, to track down a man, a suitcase full of money, and a Fang mask.That classic chase-the-Macguffin setup is a con. The novella turns out to be the most experimental in the trilogy, full of psychedelic textures and jagged juxtapositions of text and narrative. Pepper has been expanding his vocabulary via a “Word-a-Day” calendar, and the terms pop into his head as he rummages around the Lower East Side with LJ. Whitehead writes the words in all caps, and they’re typeset outside of paragraphs, making them eye-catching as graffiti. Meanwhile, sardonic “headlines” from a SAMO-like street artist named Daily Newz are plastered across Manhattan, and also get typeset outside of the paragraphs. As do words from assorted signs, wheatpastes, and eventually a film. The result is a kind of psychogeography of Pepper and downtown New York, man, culture, and matter smearing together, clashing.As the plot ramps up, coming to involve a sadistic hired gun from out of town, a figure from Pepper and Carney’s past, and worsening stomach pains, the old crook considers bailing. “He wasn’t the thief he used to be,” Whitehead writes plainly. But in a pivotal scene that wryly takes place on a toilet where Pepper seeks refuge from his punishing cramps, the words on the streets and in his head swirl into a revelation that leads him to the mask. His New York is threatened, cruel, dilapidated. But for downtown weirdos and uptown killers alike, opportunity still lurks.In 2021, before the release of the first book, Whitehead pitched the trilogy as a reprieve from The Underground Railroad and The Nickel Boys. “After the darkness of the last two books, the levity, Carney’s humble charm, is fulfilling a psychological need for me,” he told The New York Times. “I could explore the world in a different way, that’s not tied to these terrible systems of capitalism and institutional racism.” This has been true in a way. The narrative voice of the Harlem Trilogy novel is slicker and wackier than those Pulitzer-winning books, more deadpan and acerbic. But Whitehead has not truly changed his tune.His New York is threatened, cruel, dilapidated. But for downtown weirdos and uptown killers alike, opportunity still lurks.The third novella of Cool Machine, set in 1986, centers on several institutions: family, the mob, City Hall. Robert, son of Carney’s cousin Freddie, who died in Harlem Shuffle, has gone missing. He was the last person to see his dead employer, a lawyer plugged into the city’s political machine, and the cops and the Cosa Nostra start sniffing around. Carney catches déjà vu: Freddie was also once in the crosshairs of cops and gangsters, and he didn’t make it out. Even worse, Carney played a role in Freddie’s fall despite them being close as brothers. He considers Robert his nephew, and finding the young man his duty.That mission sends Carney on his own psychogeographic odyssey through the city. As he hunts for Robert, he dreams thrice of past apartments and has conversations with Freddie’s ghost, à la A Christmas Carol. He visits a chicken place that burned down in Crook Manifesto and has been reopened by the late owner’s less accomplished niece. It smells of “leftover oil.” He meets Pepper at their old crook bar, which has now been completely yuppified. “The kitchen,” Whitehead writes, “formerly reserved for after-hours beatings of snitches and double-crossers, was back in operation and serving burgers, buffalo wings, and stuffed potato skins.” The change is jarring, but not unwelcome: Pepper’s girlfriend Blossom compliments the improved environment, as does Pepper, who no longer drinks. “Inflammatory,” he responds when Carney offers a beer. Pepper doesn’t even live in the city anymore; following a much-needed stomach surgery, he’s decamped to despicable Delaware, and comes to town only to help Carney find his nephew. Without becoming an apologist for gentrification, Whitehead admits its fringe benefits, among them a sharpened eye and the capacity to form new connections to old spaces.Even the mobster antagonist, a retired killer nicknamed the Rabbit because of how quickly he fled the scene of his first hit, finds himself struck by the altered city. His nephew Junior is the killer of Robert’s employer, and because the hit was not authorized, the Rabbit should give him up per mob rules. But as “an old man who’d do anything for his nephew,” he decides to help Junior find Robert, who witnessed the murder. He largely resents ’80s New York. The bulletproof glass at restaurants makes shaking down Black people “like a fucking dessert cart, you want to grab one but you can’t,” he scoffs. Tompkins Square Park, where he once cooled off after breaking a man’s jaw, is a “real shithole now.”In these competing impressions of and journeys through the city, Whitehead resists a single narrative of New York. It is a cauldron of miseries and a homeland, a hunting ground and a cool machine, a place where even killers and crooks can retire, can commiserate lives lost and enriched. This multiplicity is a pet theme for Whitehead, who once wrote an essay collection on the city, and has set other novels in it. But the Harlem Trilogy has paired the rhapsody with the grit in ways he’s only hinted at before, the romance always followed by a slug to the chin.In the final act, having located Robert and realized how much institutional might is aimed at the young man, Carney pitches the mob: He’ll give up all his ill-gotten cash in exchange for Robert’s freedom. He gets the idea after recalling a question from Uncle Rich—“What do you value?”—and his answer is family, a layered concept for Carney. He was once ashamed of crime being the family business, reluctant to let his crooked and straight lives overlap, and desperate to unravel them whenever they did. But the pitch draws on both backgrounds. It’s his own final job, the culmination of his furniture store being launched with blood money he found in Big Mike’s truck and Carney truly loving sectionals and coffee tables. It’s a harebrained scheme only he, father, uncle, and veteran salesman and fence could make.That bespoke sense of finesse is the heart of the Harlem Trilogy. Whitehead doesn’t depict the trait as only cool or guile. He presents it as craft: skill and experience put into action, knowledge applied by hook or by crook. Carney refuses to be called a janitor because he’s dirtied his hands another way. In that last parley, the consummate professional finally gets his flowers.

One of the more prescient books of our still-young century was Jacob Hacker’s The Great Risk Shift (2008), which explained how government and business were conspiring to eliminate various protections that in the past helped cushion the middle class from financial setbacks. Hacker called for an “insurance and opportunity society” with more robust pension guarantees, less-contingent forms of employment, and universal health care, among other reforms. Without a firm cushion, he argued, people wouldn’t take the sort of financial risks that make capitalism function at peak capacity.By “insurance,” Hacker mostly meant social insurance provided by the government, sometimes in concert with private insurance companies. Hacker warned that private insurance was never going to pick up the slack. “Although markets work splendidly in most areas of commerce,” he wrote, “insurance markets often fail when we need them most.” Hacker didn’t give the private insurance industry much additional thought, except for health insurance, then inextricably tangled up with government through Medicare and Medicaid (and, after the book’s publication, with Obamacare).But lately we’ve been seeing insurance markets fail outside the realm of social insurance, suggesting The Great Risk Shift had more applicability than perhaps the author knew. The most conspicuous instance is homeowner’s insurance. In addition to the growing unaffordability of housing, Americans are being priced out of protection for their property against fires, floods, and other acts of God. A survey by the online lending website Lending Tree found that between 2020 and 2025 home insurance rates rose 46 percent nationally. That was nearly double the rate of inflation. Climate change clearly plays a significant role here. Insurance rates must be approved by state regulators, so rates vary from state to state. In five states, inflation exceeded homeowner’s insurance increases—West Virginia, Vermont, Maine, Alaska, and New York. What do these states have in common? According to Lending Tree, “none of the states … are in areas typically prone to hurricanes, wildfires and other major, costly weather-related disasters.”But climate can’t be the only reason, because Colorado, which had the biggest rate increase, ranks relatively low on climate-change risk, whereas New York and Maine rank relatively high, and Florida, where climate-change risk is the highest in the country, lies in the middle range for rate increases. In a May survey by the Pew Research Center, 65 percent of homeowners cited as a major reason for property-insurance rate hikes “insurance companies wanting to make more money.” Only 46 percent cited climate change. Insurance companies will always want to make more money—it would be perverse for them not to—so what this poll finding suggests to me is that in states where homeowner’s insurance rates are rising fastest state regulators aren’t moving aggressively enough to impose limits. If climate change were the only thing driving up insurance rates I doubt we’d see a June 2026 Public Citizen survey indicating that in 2025 the property and casualty insurance industry had its most profitable underwriting year in two decades. Profits were $68.7 billion. That’s more than twice the $25.3 billion insurers earned in profits the year before. “Property and casualty insurance” encompasses not only homeowner’s insurance but also auto insurance. So it shouldn’t surprise us that auto insurers are abusing consumers, too. “If You Get in a Car Crash,” read a Wall Street Journal headline August 9, “The Risk Is Growing Your Insurance Won’t Pay.” The story, by Jean Eaglesham and Jaclyn Jeffrey-Wilensky, reported, shockingly, that auto insurers failed to pay out on fully 45 percent of all the auto liability and medical claims that they resolved last year. This is up from about one in three a decade ago, and amounts to a “near flip-of-a-coin chance of being left empty-handed on liability and medical claims.” Logically, climate change would have little if any demonstrable effect on the rate of auto accidents. And anyway, the number of auto accidents dropped over the past decade from 6.82 million annually to 6.18 million. Public health policies to contain the Covid epidemic, which reduced the number of workers commuting to an office, led to a very significant drop in fender-benders—5.25 million in 2020, 6.1 million in 2021, and not much higher since. Which looks to me like an argument for remote work (other aspects of which I heartily dislike). Auto insurers blame dwindling payouts on an increase in fraud, “driven in part,” the Journal reports, “by fake claims enhanced with AI tools.” That appears to be a real problem, albeit one better documented in the United Kingdom than in the United States. Artificial Intelligence makes it really easy to fake photographs of automobile damage. But AI fakery can’t be too much of a driver yet this side of the pond, because the rate at which auto-damage claims  get turned down (as opposed to medical claims from auto accidents) hasn’t increased over the past decade. It was around 25 percent a decade ago, and it’s around 25 percent today. The reason auto-insurance payouts fell to 45 percent is that insurers are denying en masse medical claims from auto accidents. Medical claims are much harder to fake, because the victim must furnish medical documentation that can be checked. Since insurers can’t blame AI in this instance, they blame lawyers. “People are going to litigation as a first step, instead of a last resort,” Sean Kevelighan, chief executive of an industry group called the Insurance Information Institute, told the Journal. Litigation is indeed increasing, answers the other side in this dispute, but “that’s because more claims are being denied—not the other way around,” John Morgan, founder of the Orlando-based Morgan & Morgan, told the Journal. That makes more intuitive sense. Why go to the trouble of suing an insurer before you find out whether some claims adjuster wants to emulate the Edward G. Robinson character in Double Indemnity any deny your payout? A State Farm spokesperson suggested to the Journal that the higher rate of non-payments reflects increases in deductibles, but that would just be a different method to shift risk to the customer.What mostly seems to be happening is that auto-insurance payouts were kept down last year to sell more policies. As with homeowner’s insurance, increases in auto insurance premiums typically exceed inflation, but last year they were well below it, according to S&P Global Intelligence numbers reported by the Journal in January. This looks like an attempt to curb the growing rate of drivers who defy legal requirements to buy auto insurance because it’s too expensive. According to the Insurance Research Council, the uninsured rate rose from 12.4 percent to 15.4 percent between 2017 and 2023.The Journal story found one example in which the reason the insurance company declined to pay out was (to apply technical industry jargon) absolute chickenshit:Christopher Benton hit another car, what he called a “little bumper accident,” in 2023. The Adelanto, Calif., lab technician assumed his $5,000 liability-coverage insurance claim would sail through. But Allstate-owned National General refused to pay a cent. The reason? His 15-year-old son.The teenager wasn’t in the family’s 2012 Chevrolet Silverado at the time of the fender-bender. He didn’t even have a driver’s license. But National General said his absence from the policy application breached its requirement to disclose all household members ages 14 or over.Remember, from your childhood, that annoying kid on the playground who loved to say, “You didn’t say ‘Simon Says’”? That kid grew up to be a claims adjuster for an automobile insurer.Ultimately, the problem is that insurance doesn’t get regulated at the national level. Leaving its regulation to 50 different states is inefficient. Also, state governments are much easier than the federal government for insurers to bully or bribe into submission. America figured that out for most industries during the Progressive Era and the New Deal, but somehow insurers remained out of the administrative state’s grip. Why?That story begins in 1868, when insurance regulation was just coming into being. The Supreme Court, in Paul v. Virginia, ruled that the selling of insurance policies did not constitute commerce, and therefore was not interstate commerce, so Congress could not direct the executive branch to regulate insurance under the Commerce Clause. That left regulation to the states. In 1944, though, the Supreme Court reversed itself and ruled in United States v. South-Eastern Underwriters Association that actually, yes, the selling of insurance is commerce (well, duh; they don’t exactly give those policies away), and that the Sherman Antitrust Act can therefore be deployed against them. Insurance companies and state insurance regulators quickly swarmed to Capitol Hill and persuaded Senators Pat McCarren, Democrat of Nevada, and Homer Ferguson, Republican of Michigan, to pass a law, the McCarren-Ferguson Act, that overturned United States v. South-Eastern Underwriters Association, re-establishing that only states could regulate insurers. In the 1980s Rep. John Dingell, the very powerful Democratic chair of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, tried to pass a law imposing federal regulation on insurers, but by then the Reagan Revolution was underway. Dingell got nowhere.A word about Pat McCarren. Despite being a Democrat, the man was an anti-New-Dealer, a Red baiter, a fanboy of the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco, an antisemite, and a pushover for the business lobby. In addition to shooing federal regulators away from insurers, McCarren bequeathed the 1950 Internal Security Act, commonly known as the McCarren Act or the McCarren-Walter Act, which required Communist organizations to register with the federal government. It also created a Subversive Activities Control Board and made it much easier to deport perceived troublemakers who hadn’t broken the law. The first two of these provisions were later repealed. The third remains on the books, and President Donald Trump is using it in his terror campaign against immigrants who dare to engage in political protest. McCarren was the prototype for Senator Pat Geary in The Godfather Part II. Senator Geary is the guy who insults Michael Corleone at the start of the film. (“I don’t like to see you come out to this clean country, in oily hair, dressed up in those silk suits, and try to pass yourselves off as decent Americans”). Near the end of the film, Geary comes to very much regret his extreme bigotry against and rudeness toward a proud Italian-American. I don’t know what McCarren’s personal views were toward Italians, but his McCarren-Walter Act also limited immigration from southern Europe, including Italy. For years, the Las Vegas airport was named after McCarren, which was like calling it Senator Geary Airport. But in 2021 Clark County came to its senses and renamed the airport after the late Senator Harry Reid, who was a fine man.I mention all this to establish that Pat McCarren wasn’t anybody whose opinion should command much respect these days, on pretty much any subject. Let’s repeal the McCarren-Ferguson Act, start regulating insurers at the national level, and reverse this latest manifestation of Jacob Hacker’s Great Risk Shift.

Over the past few weeks, there’ve been reports of ICE ramping up arrests at airports around the country, picking up people boarding or exiting domestic flights in ways that not long ago would have been unheard of. This has prompted local journalists to ask whether their airports are safe to enter and to document individual arrests of people trying to travel.The agency has described these arrests as targeting people who have overstayed their visas, without clarification or even acknowledgement of the fact that they may have separately been allowed and instructed by the government to remain in the country.Even reasonably well-informed observers might think that there’s a simple distinction between “status” and “not status.” This type of binary language permeates political conversations around immigration, but if you’ve either read my work or the work of other explanatory immigration journalists, you know these matters aren’t quite so simple. The immigration bureaucracy is rife with administrative semi-statuses, temporary protections, and other carve-outs: “authorized stay,” presence under color of law, and so on.“I think the public doesn’t understand that immigration is kind of very gray and very paradoxical, because you could still be amenable to detention and being placed in removal even though you’re authorized to stay here. That’s the paradox,” said Cyrus Mehta, a longtime New York-based immigration attorney and professor at Brooklyn Law School. That tension had not necessarily come to the fore because the government had for the most part left people with pending or administrative status alone; now, driven by the Trump administration’s imperative to juice arrest and detention numbers, it’s targeting anyone it can get its hands on. “I don’t know whether they have any parameters,” added Mehta, noting that ICE has not enunciated any concrete policy.Most of the reported cases of airport arrests seem to involve people that were waiting for official adjudications on their applications for status, and who were not in active removal proceedings. This is not an uncommon posture to be in. Let’s say, for example, that you are a foreign national who entered the country lawfully on a visa — maybe a B-type tourist visa or an F-1 student visa — and subsequently got married to a U.S. citizen. You petition to adjust your status to permanent residence through this marriage, at which point you are instructed to remain in the country while this application is evaluated; leaving the country will be considered an abandonment of your application.So, you wait for the year or more that it could take for this process to be complete, during which the visa you initially used to enter the country expires, because, again, you have been explicitly instructed not to leave. This presence is considered authorized stay—that is to say, you don’t have a specific status at this moment in time, but the government is aware of the situation and has signed off on your continued presence in the country. This is not really an anomaly or an extraordinary circumstance, it is the way the system is designed to work and has long worked. Yet the administration now seems to have decided that this is functionally the same as having no status at all.There are many versions of this circumstance. There are people who might be in affirmative asylum processes who have overstayed tourist visas. There might be those who had a status which the government subsequently attempted to terminate who are exercising their right to contest that termination. There are people who might have conditional green cards and are petitioning to remove those conditions (a situation that arises out of certain marriages), during which the green card expires. What all these people have in common is that they are following the law—and in the country lawfully. Could they still be detained upon attempting to travel by domestic flight? Who’s to say?Not ICE, which hasn’t put out any sort of guidance or information about who is and isn’t subject to the airport arrests (questions sent to the agency received no response). This is by design; uncertainty is not incidental but central to the administration’s narrative-building efforts, which are arguably more potent in shaping behavior than practicalities of its enforcement operation. People who may or may not be subject to arrest will tend to avoid participation in regular life, especially as they see high-profile examples of others detained and thrown into removal proceedings.This was the case for Michael (a pseudonym to protect his privacy), who entered the country on a tourist visa before applying to adjust his status to permanent resident as a result of his marriage to a U.S. citizen. While waiting for USCIS to issue a decision, the tourist visa ran out, though Michael did ultimately receive an approval about a month and a half later. He and his spouse already had plans to fly domestically to attend a wedding, but decided to reconsider those plans until he at least had his physical green card in hand.Mehta said agents would have no cause to arrest someone who was already a permanent resident (though agents have targeted specific green card holders like Mahmoud Khalil on explicitly political grounds). Yet it makes sense for lay people attempting to navigate this environment of fear and precariousness to want to overcorrect. In any case, Michael’s desire to have documents in hand highlights another issue with these airport arrests, which is that the systems that ICE and CBP are drawing on to make these detention decisions are very often wrong or outdated. A person might be able to subsequently prove that they did have status, but only after they’ve missed their flights and spent some time in detention.Even for the people who would undoubtedly be targeted, we can comfortably say the relative risk is low; there are millions of domestic air travelers every day, and even assuming that the publicly reported detentions are a significant undercount, we’re still talking about a small fraction of domestic travelers with uncertain status who’ve been arrested in the past few weeks. Yet every would-be traveler who’s between statuses, including those with explicit permission from the government, or even those with specific status, might now find themselves having to think twice before flying even within the country. That’s precisely the plan.“The goal of this administration is to just create fear, panic, confusion, and there is this general hostility towards noncitizens, and even if you’re a citizen, there’s still hostility,” said Mehta.

In their zeal to create a de facto national abortion ban, anti–abortion rights groups are claiming that medications like mifepristone poison the water supply. The post Right-Wing Activists Co-opt Environmental Laws to Fight ‘Abortion Pollution’ appeared first on The American Prospect.