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Trump’s War on Higher Ed Is an Attack on Women
New Republic Feb 3, 2026

Trump’s War on Higher Ed Is an Attack on Women

In 2024, The Heritage Foundation, the conservative think tank responsible for Project 2025 and so many guiding principles for President Donald Trump’s second term, published a white paper bemoaning the low birth rate among married women in the United States. It blamed a surprising culprit: higher education and federal policies that support students, such as subsidized loans. “If the government provides excessively generous subsidies for higher education, women and men are being artificially pushed away from work and into more years in school because they do not want to leave those tax dollars on the table,” argued the paper’s authors, Jay Greene and Lindsey Burke. Pursuing college meant that young people delayed marriage and starting a family, and, for women especially, that meant a decrease in fertility overall.The white paper’s solution was simple: trash federal support for higher education. “Policy changes can help to stem the tide of declining fertility rates by ending governmental inducements to delay entry into the workforce,” it proposed. No longer would people be “staying in school longer, getting trapped with debt, and postponing family formation.”Trump has spent his second term following that advice. He has threatened funding for colleges and universities themselves over curricula he deems too “woke,” and his Department of Education has dismantled student loan repayment programs that made it easier for working- and middle-class borrowers to repay. This year, it plans to bring back wage garnishment if they fall behind. While those changes will affect almost every college student and student loan borrower, they will hurt women and Black and Southern students the most.The right’s blatant attacks on higher education are intended to undermine “the gains and progress women have made in the economy,” said Aissa Canchola Bañez, policy director for Protect Borrowers, a student debtors’ advocacy group. “All with the intention of bringing women back into the home.”If that is the aim, the Trump administration has found the right target. Higher education has been an engine for women’s equality since it became more fully accessible during the rights revolutions of the 1970s, when women began enrolling in college in higher numbers than men; soon they became more likely to earn a degree. A host of cultural factors likely contributed to that shift, but the biggest is that between the birth-control pill and new anti-discrimination laws, it grew possible for women to go to college and hope for a career after in ways unattainable before. At least in theory.Although women soon surpassed men on college campuses, men with bachelor’s degrees still outnumbered women with bachelor’s degrees in the labor force until 2019, according to federal data. Women made up more than half of the college-educated labor force from the pandemic to today—which is likely one of the reasons that, in recent years, conservatives have been wringing their hands about the loss of the traditional family.Women are often breadwinners and heads of households. Women do well in academics and continue to work, because they have to and because they want to. Women are no longer compelled to stay home and raise children while career pursuits are left to men.Commentators—typically but not always conservatives—have often portrayed this as a problem for, and a loss for, men. Young men are in crisis, and there’s a crisis of masculinity. Men suffer from a loneliness epidemic. Many liberals, most notably Gavin Newsom, the governor of California, who is also a front-runner for the Democratic Party’s 2028 presidential nomination, have expressed as much concern about young men as conservatives like the late Charlie Kirk.But this line of thinking ignores the reasons women pursue higher education in the first place: It’s the only way they have a chance at parity in the workplace. Without college, women are much less likely to work at all. Almost two-thirds of men over 25 with only high school educations are working, while less than half of women in the same age group with the same level of education are, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. For those with some college or an associate’s degree, just 56 percent of women are working, compared to 67 percent of men.The median earnings of a man with only a high school education are 26 percent higher than those of a woman in the same bracket. That’s partly because many of the high-skilled, high-paying trades in fields like construction and manufacturing are still overwhelmingly dominated by men, and remain less friendly toward women who want to pursue them. Women tend to dominate in the pink-collar health, education, and administrative fields that typically pay less.In fact, one of the recommendations from the Heritage Foundation was to remove the certification requirements for the women-dominated field of public school teaching, making it less likely that teachers could earn the wage premiums often associated with bachelor’s degrees and specialized certifications.“Research has shown us for a very long time that higher education is a pathway to economic mobility,” especially for women, said Jennifer Turner, a senior research associate at the Institute for Women’s Policy Research. “It’s been critically important for a very long time, especially for people that come from lower-income families, to help them achieve economic mobility that they wouldn’t necessarily have had the opportunity to achieve without education.”Of course, even with college educations, women still struggle to gain equity in the workforce, where men still outearn them. The pay gap remains even higher for Black, Latina, and Native American women.Of course, even with college educations, women still struggle to gain equity in the workforce, where men still outearn them. The pay gap remains even higher for Black, Latina, and Native American women.Women are much more likely to be burdened with student debt they struggle to repay; they hold two-thirds of the nation’s total student debt. That’s because women rely more than men on help paying for college, said Gloria Blackwell, chief executive officer of the American Association of University Women. Limiting financial aid and changing the rules will harm women first, especially women of color and those who are taking college classes with young children at home. “More women are parents and students at the same time than men, and more people of color are student parents as well,” she said. For those already stretched by the competing demands of school and parenthood, it matters even more “when the policies take away their ability to fund their education.”That so many women are already parents by the time they begin pursuing education is one of the ironies of the Heritage Foundation’s position. “Almost a quarter of undergraduate students are parents already,” Turner said. “So it’s kind of like, why is there this idea that education is the problem?”The answer is that it’s of a piece with the anti-feminist arguments—about women in the workforce being a problem for men and their children—that conservatives make elsewhere. In fact, the idea that women’s college attendance damages their fertility has persisted for more than a century, Blackwell said. But she also noted that “one of the first research reports that AAUW actually did was research on individuals who had received higher education, and it turned out that those women indeed were able to also have children.”The Department of Education had said the first letters warning student borrowers in default—those more than nine months late on paying their loans—that they would see their wages garnished would go out in January. It temporarily delayed that plan late in the month, but it remains on the table. Many student borrowers may hear nothing else before their paychecks shrink. This is the first time garnishment has been threatened since before the Covid pandemic, and students who want to try to settle their accounts will have fewer options than they did under President Joe Biden, because the Trump administration has eliminated many of the programs intended to make repayment easier.Borrowers most likely to be in default are the working- and middle-class Americans who have little room in their budgets. As of September, the Education Department warned that 5.3 million borrowers were in default. A survey by the Institute for College Access and Success found that 42 percent said they were making trade-offs between paying for their student loans and paying for necessities. Black women, especially, are disproportionately debt-burdened. “It feels like punishing the people that those programs were meant to serve,” Turner said. “We’re taking steps back as opposed to taking steps forward.”Turner pointed out that defaults and garnishments will have a wider impact on local and national economies, as families can afford less and pull back on spending to be able to cover the basics. But there will be even longer-term damage if the administration succeeds in making it harder to access college in general, and harder to pay back student loans for those who do: Fewer women will be able to participate in the workforce. That will exacerbate the affordability crisis and have a bigger impact on fertility rates than women not attending college, Turner said. “A lot of people aren’t having as many children because children are expensive and they can’t afford childcare,” she said.In the short term, Blackwell added, the changes to higher ed will mean fewer women will attend college at all and many more will struggle once they get there, especially as diversity, equity, and inclusion programs are attacked. “Black and Latina women really need that sense of belonging,” she said. “If they don’t feel safe or supported, that could be the difference between their staying enrolled and dropping out.”The result is that low-income students will be more likely to opt out of college altogether, making everyone less well-off and undermining the kind of economic security people feel they need before they get married and have children. “I think we’ll see a bifurcation in the economy,” said Canchola Bañez. “And an exacerbation of poverty and economic inequality.”Of course, that may all be the point. The Heritage Foundation released another report early this year about “saving the American family,” which revived an argument that social safety net supports discourage marriage and should be ended. One of the first things Vice President JD Vance said in office was “I want more babies in the United States of America.” Instead of making it easier for women to choose to marry and have children, conservatives have focused on removing those choices—and many others.   

Beneath the Stifling Boredom of Melania
New Republic Feb 3, 2026

Beneath the Stifling Boredom of Melania

Under a certain strain of authoritarianism, a regime-approved vanity movie wouldn’t even need to premiere in cinemas. Cars with roof-mounted megaphones would circle the towns, announcing mandatory showtimes in the public square. Subjects would dutifully file there to watch it, emitting laughter on cue, under the eye of armed enforcers. But the United States doesn’t have a lot in the way of shared public spaces. And the administration’s goon squads are, of late, otherwise occupied. So it was with considerable effort that, on the day of its release, I took two trains and an Uber an hour to a suburban multiplex in New Jersey to catch a matinee screening of a documentary about the president’s third wife.Marketed far and wide with the tantalizing tagline “A New Film,” Melania captures the first lady of the United States Melania Trump (née Melanija Knavs) in the 20 days before the second inauguration of her husband, Donald J. Trump. It was directed and co-produced (along with Melania Trump herself) by Brett Ratner, the director of Hollywood hits like Tower Heist and the Rush Hour films, who was exiled from Tinseltown in 2017 following a suite of sexual assault allegations (which he denies). Not exactly the kind of film that would normally pique my interest. Or, it would seem, anyone’s. In the days before release, images circulated of seat maps showing screenings all but unsold. Rumors circulated that some GOP clubs that bought out whole blocks of tickets were struggling even to give them away. This despite the president’s assertion that the movie was “selling out, fast.”Given all these gloomy box office prognostications, I was surprised to find my midafternoon showing surprisingly well attended. It was an audience of mostly older filmgoers. The kind who talk through the proceedings and can’t scarf a handful of popcorn without succumbing to an extended fit of gurgled choke-coughing. These were true-blue Trumpites, who applauded when the president appeared on-screen, as if the message might somehow get back to him. When Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar popped up during a congressional luncheon, the guy behind barked, “Another piece of shit!” In other words: a crowd primed and pumped for a Melania Trump documentary. (And in fact, the film had an unusually strong opening weekend for a documentary, earning over $7 million.) Those of us who are, perhaps, a little less ideologically sympathetic might be forgiven for finding Melania was punishingly dull, and occasionally absurd.What can be said, objectively, about Melania? Well, it is 104 minutes long. The Motion Picture Association of America has rated it P.G. for “some thematic elements.” It was shot using color cinematography. It includes a scene where Donald Trump paranoiacally grumbles that the 2025 College Football National Championship Game between Ohio State and Notre Dame was scheduled at the same time as his inauguration broadcast as a deliberate affront to him.As promised, Melania’s cameras trail the first lady as she prepares to renew her post at the Oval Office. She meets with designers and is fitted for Inauguration Day suits and gowns. She plans a menu for a black-tie dinner for the Trump campaign’s biggest donors, including Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos. She meets with an October 7 hostage, to express condolences. She takes a Zoom call with first lady of France Brigitte Macron, where they discuss the importance of children. She is shuffled from boring meeting to boring meeting, boring motorcade to boring motorcade, boring gala to boring gala, boring ball to boring ball, flowing in and out of rooms, boringly. It makes watching paint dry look like the Super Bowl. When it’s not boring, Melania is baffling. Early in the film, the Trumps attend President Jimmy Carter’s state funeral. In a more substantial kind of film, this scene might be an opportunity to reflect on these sorts of ceremonies, and the dignity the office of president is afforded, even in death. The filmmakers might even spare a few moments for thoughts on Carter, specifically. He seemed pretty generally well liked, after all. Instead, Melania and Ratner launch into an extended memorial for the first lady’s own deceased mother, who had passed away a year earlier. Losing a loved one is sad, of course. But the choice typifies something of the film’s Trumpian logic: Any event, even an event of historical significance, is only meaningful insofar as it serves as an opening to talk about one’s own life.By the film’s Trumpian logic, any event, even an event of historical significance, is only meaningful insofar as it serves as an opening to talk about one’s own life.These weird decisions are scored by Melania’s insistent, wall-to-wall voiceover, which is so totally trite that it rarely meets the definition of insight. Her narration is crammed with sub-Hallmark groaners, like: “The only thing we can do is cherish moments with family and loved ones while they are still with it.” With her thick, accented English, such bromides can’t help but call to mind Tommy Wiseau, writer-producer-director-star of the cult classic comedy The Room, prone as he is to leaden clichés like, “If a lot of people love each other, the world would be a better place to live.” Melania’s director-producer Ratner plays a kind of second fiddle, and comic relief. He never misses a chance to beam, from off-screen, stuff like, “I can’t believe right now we’re in the White House!” In one scene he literally says, “Sweet dreams, Mister President!” When he’s not gigglingly giddy, he attempts to drive the conversation, as a film director might, mining his subject for revealing psychological nuggets that might disclose something of her elusive personality. For example: Brett Ratner: Who’s your favorite recording artist? Melania Trump: Michael Jackson. B.R.: What’s your favorite Michael Jackson song? M.T.: “Billie Jean.” B.R.: Oh, wow.They then go on to duet a few bars of the 1983 single by Jackson, an artist whose own reputation was marred by accusations of … well, you know.All of this might seem sort of funny, in that Room-like, so-bad-it’s-good way, were it not for the more imminent realities of the administration being inaugurated on-screen. One may be forgiven for sniffing when big-ticket Trump donors like Musk and Bezos sit down at their Melania-curated black-tie dinner and crack into golden eggs filled with caviar. Likewise, it is difficult to watch President Trump swear allegiance to a Constitution that he has regarded with utter contempt. And it is impossible to swallow Melania’s comments about the immigrant experience and the pursuit of the American dream—“No matter where we come from, we are bound by our same humanity” (!!!)—at a time when federal agents are snatching people off the streets on the mere suspicion that they may be foreign-born.And speaking of which: As ICE goons warred with protesters in the streets of Minneapolis, Trump admin muckety-mucks and other cherished guests gathered at the newly renamed Trump-Kennedy Center for Melania’s red carpet premiere. The absolute disconnect between the world being presented on-screen and the one we see on the news (and, increasingly, through our windows) is so chasm-wide as to be truly crazy-making. Melania both depicts and is an example of the sort of shameless opulence one might associate with the reigns of Nicolae Ceaușescu or Saddam Hussein.Melania depicts the sort of shameless opulence one might associate with the reigns of Nicolae Ceaușescu or Saddam Hussein.If nothing else, this movie is notable for how expensive it is. Melania sparked a bidding war between many of the biggest firms in the current media oligopoly. The honors went to Amazon MGM Studios, which reportedly budgeted $40 million for the film, with an additional $35 million spent on marketing. This makes Melania the most expensive documentary feature ever made, by a large margin. The money is not exactly (as they say in the biz) “up there on the screen.” Swooshing drone shots and footage treated to look like home movies can’t cover for the fact that Melania is completely bereft of creativity, or anything resembling artistic merit. It looks cheap. Of course, the same may well be said about Ratner’s earlier, likewise unstylish Hollywood movies. But at least those had Jackie Chan in them.So it’s natural to wonder what exactly happened to those 75 million American dollars. Many have speculated that the film is little more than an attempt by Amazon owner Jeff Bezos to curry favor with Trump’s administration. Amazon’s expenditure comes at a time when The Washington Post, the newspaper Bezos bought in 2013 and rebranded with the slogan “Democracy Dies In Darkness,” is planning major cutbacks. Anyone dopey enough to have bought the line that billionaire-backed media could provide an adequate bulwark against strongman authoritarianism may be a little disheartened to see how predictably this all played out.Melania may also be notable for being the last major event to draw crowds to the (Trump) Kennedy Center, which the president has announced plans to shutter in order to make extensive—and, one imagines, horrendously garish—renovations. Such is the state of the arts under Trump, who recently leveled the cinema located in the White House’s East Wing to make space for a neo-Rococo ballroom.That this is all playing out in the open, with such total brazenness, is another typical feature of Trump 2.0. It’s not just that this is some self-serving spectacle. It’s that it’s a bad, totally un-entertaining self-serving spectacle. Even as a political sop to a hungry base, it’s an insult: less “bread and circuses” and more “let them eat cake.” But, who knows? Maybe future generations will pore over the film. Not for its artistic, or even biographical merit. But as a key text in understanding one of the most flagrant, in-your-face cons ever perpetrated against the American Republic.

Alleged ICE Threats | Chapo Trap House
0:39
Chapo Trahouse Feb 3, 2026

Alleged ICE Threats | Chapo Trap House

Trump ICE Threats Take Darker Turn as MAGA Erupts in Demands for Blood
New Republic Feb 3, 2026

Trump ICE Threats Take Darker Turn as MAGA Erupts in Demands for Blood

Donald Trump is making it explicit. In an angry diatribe to a right-wing podcaster, Trump told his usual lies about vote-cheating by undocumented immigrants, but this time he explicitly called on Republicans to “take over the voting.” He also darkly promised something new out of Georgia, where his FBI is investigating an election center. He singled out supposed fraud in Minnesota, lying that he won the state three times. And he said he’s not backing down there. Taken all together, the threat is clear: Trump may try to use federal forces to interfere in the midterms, in part by using ICE to intimidate voters and foment crisis. Notably, this comes as MAGA media figures are loudly calling on Trump to escalate the ICE crackdowns, as Media Matters documents. We talked to reporter Gillian Brockell, who regularly scrutinizes Immigration and Customs Enforcement and has a new piece detailing how ICE is getting more cruel. We discuss what Trump can do to interfere in the elections, how far his threats can really get, and how MAGA conceives of ICE as an instrument of authoritarian state terror. Listen to this episode here. A transcript is here.