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Angry Trump Humiliated as Effort to Prosecute Dems Backfires Again
New Republic Feb 18, 2026

Angry Trump Humiliated as Effort to Prosecute Dems Backfires Again

Let’s start with some good news: Donald Trump’s efforts to jail his Democratic enemies have thus far mostly been marked by ham-fisted, buffoonish failure. The targeting of people like Senator Adam Schiff, former FBI Director James Comey, New York Attorney General Letitia James, and six Democratic lawmakers who produced a video that displeased the angry, ailing despot have, for now at least, largely faltered.Yet—after all, there’s always bad news in the Trump era—a dynamic has kicked in that is oddly helpful to him. Thanks to the knee-slapping, comic-relief-inducing nature of these failures, the authoritarian abuses underlying them risk being seen as less threatening than they actually are. That could potentially disarm us for the next round, which will surely come.Case in point: Trump’s efforts to indict those six Democrats, who all spoke in a video posted late last year that warned military service members and officials against carrying out illegal orders. After that video was posted, Trump raged that they were “traitors” who should be “ARRESTED AND PUT ON TRIAL,” leading the FBI to reach out to the lawmakers to set up interviews.But last week, federal prosecutors failed to secure an indictment against the lawmakers, who include Senators Mark Kelly and Elissa Slotkin and four House members. Indeed, the grand jury unanimously rejected the indictment—a major embarrassment for Trump and Jeanine Pirro, the U.S. attorney in Washington, D.C., a central player in Trump’s efforts to prosecute his enemies. As NBC News’s Ryan Reilly notes, it’s rare for grand juries not to indict, so the inability to persuade even one juror represents a remarkable implosion.Yet details of how this indictment came together should caution us against letting Trump and Pirro’s pie-in-the-face antics distract from how grave an abuse of power this truly was—and continues to be.Here’s what happened: After the FBI communicated with the Democratic lawmakers, prosecutors in Pirro’s office reached out to them to follow up. Slotkin’s attorney, Preet Bharara, directly asked prosecutors what statute the Democrats had allegedly violated to prompt the criminal inquiry, according to sources familiar with these discussions. The prosecutors could not name any statute, the sources told me.“What is the theory of criminal liability?” is the question that was posed to the prosecutors, one source said, adding that “no answer was forthcoming.”And so, when the news broke that Pirro had tried—and failed—to secure an indictment, this was particularly shocking to the lawyers, the sources said. That’s because her prosecutors had failed to name any violated statute, yet they forged ahead with the effort to indict anyway. It has not been definitively confirmed what statute they used in that failed effort. Bharara hinted at all this in a letter to Pirro in early February. “The prosecutors we spoke to in your office, though courteous, could not articulate any theory of possible criminal liability or any statute that they were relying on or that could have been violated,” Bharara wrote.Yet this whole process appears to have been considerably more corrupted than this letter’s lawyerly language suggests, as the sources recount. First, the failure to name a relevant statute when directly asked to do so by the lawyers for the accused suggests prosecutors didn’t think a criminal prosecution was warranted or doubted there was probable cause to think the Democrats had committed a crime. In fact, one source familiar with these discussions tells me the prosecutors’ general tone in them suggested they were making the sort of inquiry that normally comes at the very outset of the investigative process.“They characterized the state of play as very preliminary—as very, very early,” one of the sources told me, speaking about the prosecutors. The U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to comment on these claims.For the Justice Department to seek an indictment so soon after conversations like those suggests something or other prompted the rush to indict, perhaps a word from on high that—let’s go way out on a limb here—had little to do with facts and law. Legal experts tell me it’s odd for prosecutors to fail to state any theory of criminal liability and then attempt an indictment anyway so quickly.“That is irregular,” Kristy Parker, counsel at Protect Democracy and a former federal prosecutor, told me. “Typically, when someone is the target of a criminal investigation, it’s unusual to dissemble with the target’s lawyer about what the charges might be that close to an indictment. It’s not how federal prosecutors are supposed to conduct themselves.”Meanwhile, Bloomberg reports that Pirro brought in two outsiders to prosecute the case against the Democrats, one of whom is a dance photographer who worked for Pirro decades ago. Together they have very little DOJ experience, suggesting they may have been tapped to carry out cases that career prosecutors might be reluctant to attempt—special projects, as it were, for the benefit of the Audience of One.The sum total of all this is jarring. “It seems at least to suggest that the prosecutors were not the ones calling the shots, and that what they thought they were doing got run over by their bosses,” Georgetown law professor Stephen Vladeck told me. “DOJ’s credibility depends on public faith that prosecutions are brought when the law justifies it, not when the political leadership of the administration demands it.” Trump’s case against these lawmakers is absurdly weak. In declaring that members of the military are not obliged to follow illegal orders, the Democrats were merely stating what the law says. Despite Trump’s suggestion that this constituted an effort to foment military rebellion against the commander in chief, the Democrats didn’t even name any particular order that was supposed to be illegal. Also, the video is constitutionally protected speech to begin with.In a hard-hitting assessment of the DOJ’s targeting of Trump’s enemies, Politico columnist Ankush Khardori notes that it has produced a string of embarrassing pratfalls. Those include the stalling-out efforts aimed at James, Comey, and Schiff, and even a baseless effort to prosecute Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, essentially for making Trump angry, which has backfired, sparking widespread criticism. The failed prosecution of Democratic lawmakers, Khardori writes, is Pirro’s “highest-profile flop to date.”Yet the stakes here remain extraordinarily high. Anyone targeted in this way must sink enormous time and money into self-defense. This threatens to stifle dissent among lawmakers, institutions, and prominent individual critics who might muzzle themselves rather than face investigation and potential prosecution. Indeed, it probably already has. It’s easy to get seduced by the Keystone Kops vibe to all this. But these Keystone Kops continue to wield the enormous power of the federal criminal justice bureaucracy, and they have tethered it to the chaotic whims of a Mad King who thinks that being a Democrat who criticizes him is a prosecutable crime. That they’ve failed so far is heartening. But all indications are that Trump will continue demanding these prosecutions until one of them succeeds—or, possibly, until many more than one does.

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Mom-and-Pop Contractors Helping ICE Rapidly Expand
New Republic Feb 18, 2026

The Mom-and-Pop Contractors Helping ICE Rapidly Expand

Assault training. Blast-resistant window film. Sniper programs. Iris scanners. With tens of billions of dollars in new funding, ICE can’t seem to spend money fast enough, and first-time contractors from across the country are getting in on the cash bonanza, offering Immigration and Customs Enforcement everything from weapons instruction to office furniture. Rest assured, the heavy hitters in ICE’s increasingly militarized world are still getting plenty of cash. The bulk of ICE’s funding is going to the agency’s top contractors—billion-dollar private prison firms like GEO Group and CoreCivic, defense contractors like Palantir, and advisers like Deloitte. But many mom-and-pop contractors are signing up to work with ICE, as well. These first-time contractors, often with scant internet presence or public track record, offer critical tools and training to help ICE rapidly expand. Their contracts show how, even as ICE’s masked agents launch raids in American cities and public opposition skyrockets, some Americans are still looking to cash in.Castle Hill Partners inked its first ever contract with ICE in September 2025. The company, run by husband and wife Michael Hill and Leonora Castillo, won a $2.2 million no-bid contract to customize more than two dozen ICE vehicles. ICE said that it didn’t have time to put the contract out for competitive bidding because the vehicles were going to be used by newly recruited officers, making the work “urgent.”“The unusual and compelling urgency is driven by the immediate need to equip and deploy newly recruited officers,” the agency wrote, adding that officers would have to remain “idle” if not for Castle Hill’s work.The company does not do the customization itself. In an interview with The New Republic, Hill said that his expertise is in contract management—something like match-matching. “People who would like to do something but can’t, and people who want to have something done but can’t,” he said, “I can put things together.” The couple seem like an odd choice for a contract involving ICE vehicles. Besides never having signed a federal contract before, they have no apparent experience with vehicle customization, and their recent ventures seem to be focused on real estate investments. In a YouTube video, they sat for an interview offering advice for aspiring investors. Although they both seem to be conservative, sharing pro-Trump and anti-liberal memes online, neither appears to be a major political donor, according to public records. Hill said a lawyer had advised them not to speak publicly about the contract.But the public attention tied to becoming an ICE contractor may be dissuading the couple from seeking more federal work. Hill said he was not sure he would want another federal contract. He has been feeling “uncomfortable,” he said, from “being the focus of a lot of attention. I’m a very private person.”If his company doesn’t sign up for more ICE contracts, others surely will. The agency is currently awash with money. The One Big Beautiful Bill that Congress passed in July nearly tripled ICE’s budget, earmarking about $75 billion of new money for ICE through 2029. Last month, ICE boasted that it had “more than doubled our officers and agents from 10,000 to 22,000”—a 120 percent increase in personnel in less than a year.Many of the first-time contractors are offering training. Reticence Group, a small company based in Texas, agreed in July to give “specialized pistol and rifle” training to ICE officials in a $23,000 deal. Its Instagram account says it offers training that “pushes limits.” The company’s website is no longer online, and its phone number is disconnected. Public records show the company is owned by Brian Stahl, a longtime police officer who is now running in the Republican primary in Texas’s 6th congressional district. In a recent podcast appearance, Stahl expressed a complex view of ICE’s deportation campaign. While he said that he believed ICE was targeting “violent illegal criminals”—which ICE’s own data shows is not true, as more than 60 percent of the people detained by ICE last year had no criminal history—he also said the country needs to make it easier for law-abiding immigrants to become citizens. “They are productive members of this country, they pay taxes, they haven’t had any run-ins with law enforcement,” he said. “There has to be a way for us to figure out how we can streamline that process for them.”The Reticence Group and Stahl’s campaign did not respond to requests for comment.Another first-time contractor, Target Down Group, was awarded $30,000 in September to provide sniper training to ICE’s Special Response Teams. It was an SRT agent, Jonathan Ross, who shot and killed Renee Good in Minneapolis last month. Target Down Group’s president is Dan LaLota, retired Marine and self-described “scout sniper instructor,” who is also the brother of Nick LaLota, the Republican congressman from New York. Dan LaLota told Wired, which first reported on this contract, that his brother had nothing to do with the contract and that he was “not at liberty to discuss what business I have with a stranger like yourself.” He did not respond to The New Republic’s requests for comment.ICE also awarded a no-bid contract to Path Consulting, a firm with no apparent web presence or prior federal contracts. It won its $35,000 contract to give ICE “dynamic target assault training.” In its justification for the contract, the agency said the five-day training would involve live fire and close-quarters combat, and the firm would help develop new “standard operating procedures.” ICE claimed in a document discussing the no-bid contract that it had worked with Path Consulting before. Federal databases do not show any prior contract between the two. (The company did not respond to requests for comment.) But it is possible that the firm previously subcontracted with some other company. That was the case with Office Concepts Arizona, an office furniture company that notched its first contract with ICE in August, providing cubicles and other furniture for an agency office in Phoenix. Its $24,000 agreement was the first time the company signed a contract with the federal government. But Office Concepts has sold furniture to numerous federal agencies as a subcontractor, according to the company’s owner, Amber Davis. That’s why its name did not appear on the federal contracts, despite having prior experience with federal agencies.The office furniture contract highlights that, in its rapid expansion, ICE’s needs include the quotidian as well as the combative. Fulcrum Contracting, a small Texas-based firm run by the husband-and-wife team Jorge and Alejandra Jaramillo, recently accepted a $209,000 contract to install a generator at ICE’s El Paso Service Processing Center, where the agency holds hundreds of immigrants. Elsewhere, in Arizona, the company American Defense Structures was paid $81,000 to install security film on the windows of an ICE building. The company’s website says that its window film can “prevent breaking, smashing, blast damage” and is bullet-resistant.Not all first-time contractors are small outfits. The firm BI2 Technologies agreed in September to provide ICE access to its “iris biometric recognition technology.” The Massachusetts-based company has sold these systems to state prisons and sheriff’s offices, but there is no record of a prior federal contract. It says its mobile iris scanner “enables law enforcement agencies across the country to positively identify individuals in seconds from virtually anywhere.” The technology connects to what the company describes as the nation’s only iris biometric database, which holds highly detailed data on the eyes of millions of people, including American citizens.The $4.6 million contract provides ICE with hundreds of iris scanners and access to the database. The agency wrote that the technology would help it “quickly and accurately identify individuals encountered during ICE operations,” with no suggestion that it would avoid using the technology on citizens. As ICE deploys its new iris scanners, potentially wielded by officers with new assault training, driving newly decked-out ICE trucks, there are still plenty more opportunities for companies looking for a piece of the immigration agency’s largesse. Just on Friday, the agency posted a notice looking for a company to provide “armed and unarmed transportation” to sites throughout the East Coast. And regardless of how long the current partial government shutdown lasts, ICE still has access to the billions of dollars that Congress allocated last summer. Its money won’t run out anytime soon.

The Four Ways Trump Plans to Delegitimize this Fall’s Elections
New Republic Feb 18, 2026

The Four Ways Trump Plans to Delegitimize this Fall’s Elections

Even as diversionary battles flare across the political landscape—immigration raids, diplomatic blunders, legal losses in court, and the lingering Epstein fallout—Donald Trump is making his move where it matters most: elections.The administration is pressing aggressively to obtain voter rolls and election materials from states across the country, particularly in roughly 15 battleground states, while Trump openly calls on Republicans to “federalize” the conduct of federal elections. This is not a theoretical replay of 2020. The effort is operational now through four means: formal Justice Department demands, active litigation, seized election materials, and scheduled federal briefings with state officials.The Constitution gives the president no operational role in administering elections. Article 1, Section 4—the elections clause—assigns authority over the “Times, Places and Manner” of federal elections to the states, subject to congressional regulation. The executive branch is not part of that structure. As U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly recently put it when rejecting one of Trump’s attempts to reshape election procedures, the Constitution gives “no role at all to the President” in setting election rules.Yet in recent months—and intensifying in recent weeks—the Justice Department has demanded full, unredacted voter rolls from states nationwide, including sensitive personal data, such as partial Social Security numbers and birth dates.The department invokes the National Voter Registration Act, or NVRA, which requires states to make “reasonable efforts” to maintain accurate rolls. But the scope and scale of these requests are unprecedented. DOJ is not merely seeking confirmation that states are conducting routine list maintenance. It has demanded expansive voter-roll data, historical election materials, and back-end administrative records far beyond what is necessary to assess statutory compliance—including information that could be used to scrutinize or challenge individual registrations.Many states have refused. DOJ has responded with more than 20 lawsuits, but it has yet to secure a decisive victory. Earlier this month, a federal judge in Michigan dismissed the department’s attempt to obtain that state’s voter data, ruling that the statutes cited do not authorize such sweeping demands. Efforts in Oregon, California, and Georgia have also stalled or been rebuffed.The pushback has crossed party lines. Oklahoma’s Republican election chief wrote that his office could not legally provide confidential data under state privacy law. Kentucky’s State Board of Elections asked why the DOJ needed driver’s license numbers and other sensitive identifiers merely to evaluate list maintenance.Yet the pressure has not abated. According to reports, the administration has given states 45 days to remove voters whom the DOJ deems ineligible. That compressed timetable sits uneasily alongside the NVRA’s deliberate notice-and-wait framework, which reflects Congress’s recognition that voter list maintenance is error-prone.DOJ has indicated it intends to compare state voter rolls against the federal SAVE immigration database. That system has historically produced false positives, including naturalized citizens misidentified as noncitizens because federal records were outdated. Large-scale data matching inevitably generates errors—common names, outdated addresses, clerical discrepancies. The statute’s safeguards exist precisely because eligibility determinations require care. A 45-day clock all but guarantees that mistakes will fall hardest on eligible voters.Voter rolls are not abstract spreadsheets. They contain names, addresses, party affiliations in some states, and voting histories. In legitimate state hands, they are administrative tools. In the wrong hands, they become instruments for advancing allegations of fraud or irregularity.The possession of comprehensive voter data enables mass eligibility challenges in targeted counties, cross-referencing registration rolls against other databases to flag supposed inconsistencies, singling out demographic concentrations for public allegations, and launching investigations that generate damaging headlines even if they produce no indictments.Most such claims might ultimately fail in court. But often they will not be fully tested because of the ticking clock after an election. The objective need not be victory on the merits. It may be delay, uncertainty, and public doubt—especially in close races.Recall Trump’s 2020 instruction to DOJ: “Just say that the election was corrupt and leave the rest to me and the R. Congressmen.” In 2020, he lacked the institutional control and data access he sought. Today, the federal government is attempting to secure both.The effort extends beyond litigation. DOJ has sent sweeping letters to states demanding voter-roll data on accelerated timelines. Attorney General Pam Bondi reportedly floated easing immigration enforcement in Minnesota in exchange for access to voter rolls—an extraordinary linkage that underscores how central voter information has become to the administration’s strategy.Federal agencies—including the FBI, DOJ, the Department of Homeland Security, the Postal Inspection Service, and the Election Assistance Commission—have invited chief election officials from all 50 states to a nationwide call to discuss “preparations” for the midterms. New Hampshire’s Republican secretary of state publicly questioned the purpose of the meeting, noting that election administration has historically remained a state responsibility.None of this guarantees a constitutional breakdown. The American election system is highly decentralized. Thousands of bipartisan workers administer elections across roughly 9,000 jurisdictions. Courts have thus far rejected the most sweeping legal theories advanced by the administration.But the risk is narrower, and therefore more plausible. Armed with extensive voter data from battleground states, federal officials could mount targeted interventions in competitive districts: issuing “analyses” that cast doubt on results, filing litigation to delay certification, and encouraging congressional actors to treat uncertainty as justification for intervention.Once the federal government has comprehensive voter data in hand, it is too late to restore the status quo. In a landslide election, it would not matter. But Trump is betting on a race close enough that confusion, coercion, and data-driven doubt could tip the balance. That is why now is the moment—not on the threshold of the election or after the votes are counted—for vigilance and strong resistance.What can be done to stop this? There are legal countermoves that the states could be launching. The same constitutional design that makes centralized takeover difficult also supplies tools to blunt accumulated leverage.Election lawyers across the political spectrum—including Marc Elias and others who have spent years litigating voting rights cases—have outlined practical steps states and Congress could take now to reduce the opportunity for manipulation. Many of those proposals do not expand power. They clarify it.Start with voter challenges. States are not required to maintain open-ended procedures that allow private actors—or federal officials armed with imperfect data—to trigger mass eligibility disputes. The NVRA contemplates deliberate, notice-driven list maintenance, not bulk database-driven purges. States can narrow challenge procedures to prevent strategic misuse of federal data comparisons.Certification is even more critical. The vulnerability exposed in 2020 was not the casting of ballots themselves, but the postelection phase. Statutes can make explicit what should already be clear: Once statutory conditions are met, certification is ministerial. Laws can provide expedited judicial remedies to compel compliance and impose consequences for refusal. Delay loses its potency when ambiguity is removed.Congress, for its part, has authority under the elections clause not to federalize the administration of elections but to impose guardrails on federal actors. It could codify blackout periods for election-related investigative steps. It could require that any search warrant or subpoena involving elections be approved by the Senate-confirmed U.S. attorney in the affected district, preventing jurisdictional maneuvering. It could restrict federal law enforcement presence near polling and counting sites. These are structural protections, not partisan weapons.None of these measures are dramatic. All reinforce the constitutional allocation of authority. The system’s resilience depends less on rhetoric than on whether those guardrails are put in place before Trump’s playbook is tested in a close race.

National BurgerReich Association feat. Pablo Torre | Chapo Trap House
1:08:45
Chapo Trahouse Feb 18, 2026

National BurgerReich Association feat. Pablo Torre | Chapo Trap House

Inside the American War Machine—With Ben Freeman and William Hartung
American Prestige Feb 18, 2026

Inside the American War Machine—With Ben Freeman and William Hartung

Daniel Bessner, Derek Davison Derek and Danny are joined by Bill Hartung and Ben Freeman to discuss the system that drives permanent war for the United States. The post Inside the American War Machine—With Ben Freeman and William Hartung appeared first on The Nation.

Minneapolis Mayor’s Emotional Message to Trump: You Failed to Break Us
New Republic Feb 18, 2026

Minneapolis Mayor’s Emotional Message to Trump: You Failed to Break Us

In today’s episode, we talk to Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey about the latest developments in his city. Donald Trump and border czar Tom Homan have said they’re winding down ICE’s occupation, and Frey tells us there are some positive signs in this regard. But Frey also discusses how ICE violence has been directed from the very top, shares new details about the enormous and lasting damage it did to the city, and explains how the extraordinary solidarity between ordinary people there is enabling Minneapolis to emerge from this dark period unbroken and unbowed. “The people here are tough as hell,” Frey tells us, adding that the city feels “pride” at “what we are overcoming.” Listen to this episode here. A transcript is here.

Inside the American War Machine—With Ben Freeman and William Hartung
American Prestige Feb 18, 2026

Inside the American War Machine—With Ben Freeman and William Hartung

Daniel Bessner, Derek Davison Derek and Danny are joined by Bill Hartung and Ben Freeman to discuss the system that drives permanent war for the United States. The post Inside the American War Machine—With Ben Freeman and William Hartung appeared first on The Nation.