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The post Ken Paxton Touts His Efforts to Fight Voter Fraud. His Senate Opponent Is Now Accusing Him of Committing It. appeared first on ProPublica.

House Speaker Mike Johnson is fed up with the chaos boiling in his own caucus.The Louisiana lawmaker invited a handful of Republicans into his “ceremonial room” last week to salvage a bipartisan veterans bill, a party priority that had been threatened by a few unruly Republicans.Representative Anna Paulina Luna was in that room. She had opposed the massive military benefits package, arguing against veterans’ pay bumps over concerns that it could cut down disability claims. She started yelling at Iowa Representative Zach Nunn, who supported the measure, before turning her ire toward Johnson.And that’s when the soft-spoken speaker lost it.“I’m sick of this shit,” Johnson snapped, according to multiple sources in the room that spoke to NOTUS.The outburst was out of character for Johnson, who proceeded not only to apologize to Luna but also kneeled before the elementary-school-age son of Representative Gabe Evans to express his regret for cursing in front of him. Ultimately, Johnson was forced to return to a strategy that has practically become normal due to the seemingly insurmountable disagreements from a small faction within his party: He pulled the bill.A small band of conservatives have repeatedly disrupted the Republican agenda, refusing to be team players and making governing impossible, according to several lawmakers that spoke with NOTUS.“It creates anger and resentment,” retiring Nebraska Representative Don Bacon told the digital news outlet. “We want to get things done, and dysfunction’s not good.”A collection of far-right lawmakers have learned that they can effectively hold their votes on important measures hostage in order to get what they want—a tactic that has not only worked, as Johnson placates them to win over his party’s razor-thin majority, but has also endlessly frustrated other Republicans.“The Republican conference is a diverse gathering of people, some of whom are really effective at getting things done and others who are more interested in knocking things down,” South Dakota Representative Dusty Johnson told NOTUS.But the disruptive blueprint is nothing new—at least not in recent history. In 2023, a band of eight Republicans—led by disgraced former Florida Representative Matt Gaetz—used the same strategy to oust Kevin McCarthy after the former House speaker failed to rein the group in. Johnson had better watch out that his party doesn’t do the same.

The Justice Department is dropping its subpoenas of New York Times journalists. The episode may make it impossible to extend the government’s warrantless spying program. The post Jay Clayton’s Subpoena Slop Job appeared first on The American Prospect.

Top Democratic National Committee officials met this week to determine the order of the party’s 2028 primaries, and on Friday voted to keep South Carolina as the first state on the calendar. Michigan, Nevada, and New Hampshire are also slated to hold early primaries, although the full DNC must still ratify the decisions of the Rules and Bylaws Committee when it meets next month. But the process to set the primary calendar has been extremely contentious, with various factions in the party debating which states should go first and Black officials suggesting that Black voters would feel dissed if South Carolina had been moved back. This is all nonsense; much ado about little. It doesn’t really matter which state(s) vote first. The eventual Democratic nominee will have to win voters across racial, class, and geographic lines. All factions in the party will be heard. And the primary calendar likely will have no impact at all on the 2028 general election.For decades, political journalists like me have focused obsessively on the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary, traditionally the first two contests in the presidential nomination process. So obviously the winners of those early races go on to win, right? Not quite. In the last six competitive Democratic presidential primaries (1992, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2016, 2020), the winner of the Iowa caucuses eventually won the nomination four times (Al Gore, John Kerry, Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton). That’s a bit more than half the time—hardly a guarantee of victory. The New Hampshire victor is just two for six (Gore in 2000, Kerry in 2004). Bill Clinton, and then Joe Biden almost three decades later, won the nomination after losing both states. Since South Carolina became one of the earliest voting states in 2008, all the winners there (Obama, Hillary Clinton, Biden) have gone on to win the nomination. But that isn’t because all of their rivals dropped out after South Carolina. Rather, South Carolina showed that those three candidates had strong support among Black voters, which was then replicated throughout the South, helping them amass a huge advantage in delegates. So looking at that history, we don’t need to worry that South Carolina will alone determine the Democratic nominee. The early states aren’t likely to choose the same candidates. If they do, as 1992 and 2020 showed, later states might override those early results. Also, the Democratic Party these days emphasizes that it has a slate of several early primaries, trying to ensure the first or first two don’t overwhelm the process. So in 2020, even as Pete Buttigieg and Bernie Sanders did very well in Iowa and New Hampshire, the results in the other two other states, Nevada and South Carolina, were closely watched too. Biden’s strong showings in the latter two helped catapult him to the nomination. This emphasis on the entire slate of early primaries also means the calendar doesn’t give any one candidate that much of an advantage. Kamala Harris will probably be strong in South Carolina, a state with a lot of center-left African Americans like her, but might lose in New Hampshire to Buttigieg, whose base is college-educated white voters. The early states are diverse enough that either different candidates will win them or one person will rightly become a huge front-runner for the nomination by winning four or five contests in places that are demographically and geographically distinct from one another. The primary calendar also doesn’t matter for the general election, despite the claims of people who should know better. David Axelrod, who was a top adviser on Obama’s presidential campaigns, wrote on X this week, “Dems would be wise to pick states to start the process that will be swing states in ’28. Candidates spend a lot of time in these early states and it lays an organizational foundation to compete in the fall. SC won’t be a swing state.” Hmm. There is no research showing that having an intense primary in a state helps a party win there in the general election. And it’s easy to disprove Axelrod’s argument. The Democrats won Iowa in November 2012 after not having a competitive primary, then lost the state in November 2016 and November 2020, after the party’s presidential candidates held dozens of events across the Hawkeye State during primary season. South Carolina has remained red, while Georgia has become purple, even though the former is a huge part of the nomination process and the latter isn’t. What if … primaries and general elections are completely different contests whose results aren’t connected to one another? So if the order that the states vote in doesn’t tell us much about who will win the primary or the general election, doesn’t it at least show which groups the party cares about most? Not really. If you are a Black political operative or Black Democratic official in South Carolina, having the first primary in your state is a coup. Presidential candidates might pay big consulting fees for your advice on winning in the state or actively seek your endorsement. But any serious Democratic presidential candidate knows they must win Asian, Latino, Black, and most importantly white (the biggest bloc) voters to win the nomination. The Democratic Party is truly diverse, and all demographic groups matter. I’m not suggesting that the calendar is totally irrelevant. When I first started covering presidential campaigns in 2004, I was unnerved by how little the candidates interacted with minority voters, because they spent virtually all of their time in Iowa and New Hampshire. But the Democratic Party has made a laudable effort to make the nomination process more balanced. And it has succeeded. In 2028, the early states combined will be fairly representative of America overall. They won’t give any candidate or group any particular advantage. And that’s a good thing. It would be better if the Democrats had a national primary where everyone voted on the same day, to give party members in all 50 states an equal voice in the process. But several states across the country voting early offers some of those same benefits. The voters of Des Moines should never have had so much power to pick the Democratic presidential nominee. Now, even though they get to vote first, the Democrats of Charleston and Columbia won’t choose the nominee in 2028. This article has been updated with news about the DNC’s decision on Friday.